In his first major speech as a newly elected MP and presumptive next prime minister, Andy Burnham promised 'the biggest rebalancing of power our country has seen' – a radical programme of devolution that would see power shift from Whitehall to local communities across the UK. Burnham, the former mayor of Greater Manchester, said a new 'No 10 North' office in Manchester would oversee the transfer of powers, covering areas such as transport, housing, skills, health, water, energy and policing. But what exactly is devolution, and what could it mean for the way Britain is governed?
Devolution is the transfer of certain powers and responsibilities from central government (Westminster and Whitehall) to elected bodies in Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland, and – more recently – to regions and city mayors in England. It is not the same as federalism or independence: Westminster remains sovereign and can theoretically reverse devolution, but in practice devolved governments are given considerable autonomy over specific policy areas. The current devolution settlement dates back to the late 1990s, when the Labour government under Tony Blair established the Scottish Parliament, the Welsh Senedd (then Assembly) and the Northern Ireland Assembly under the 1998 Good Friday Agreement. Since then, further powers have been devolved to these bodies, particularly in Scotland, which now controls health, education, local government, environment, justice, policing, most income tax rates and some welfare. Wales has more limited powers (including NHS, education, housing and some tax variation but no justice or policing), while Northern Ireland has significant control over health, education and housing. In England, devolution has been slower: only in the past decade have city regions such as Greater Manchester gained powers over transport, housing, skills and health spending, with directly elected mayors.
“Explains UK devolution, current powers in Scotland/Wales/NI/England, and Andy Burnham's 2026 plan.”
The push for more devolution is driven by a belief that local leaders know their areas better than Whitehall civil servants, and that giving them more control can boost economic growth and address regional inequalities. Burnham, who was Mayor of Greater Manchester before entering Parliament, argues that 'growth cannot be ordered from the top down – it can only be nurtured from the bottom up'. His proposal includes not only extending devolution to all parts of England – including more powers for London – but also 'taking power deeper down' within Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, so that cities like Dundee or Bangor feel less distant from their own devolved capitals. However, the evidence suggests devolution alone may not deliver higher growth: economists have found no significant increase in economic growth rates in Scotland, Wales or Northern Ireland since devolution was introduced. Official statistics show that GDP per capita in those nations (the UK average heavily influenced by London and the South East) remains stubbornly similar to 1998 levels – Scotland at about 93%, Northern Ireland at 83% and Wales at 74% of the UK average.
For UK readers, the debate over devolution matters because it touches on how public services are delivered, how tax money is spent, and who makes decisions that affect daily life – from the NHS to transport to housebuilding. If Burnham’s plans go ahead, voters in areas that currently have little local control, such as much of the English countryside, could see new combined authorities and mayors take charge of key services. Critics, however, warn that devolution can create a patchwork of different policies across the country, potentially complicating national coordination and accountability. The Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch accused Burnham of wanting to 'pass the problem to someone else', while some commentators argue that the real challenges – low productivity, regional inequality – require strong central action, not more local fragmentation.
Q: What powers would be devolved under Burnham's plan?\nBurnham did not give a detailed list, but mentioned 'greater public control of essential services' such as water, energy and transport, and suggested regions could gain more say over education and housing. London would also get more devolved powers. The new No 10 North office would oversee this process, focusing on reform of utilities, reindustrialisation and regeneration.
Q: Has devolution worked in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland?\nMost studies have found no significant increase in overall economic growth rates in those nations since devolution began in 1999. Their GDP per capita relative to the UK average has remained broadly the same (Scotland ~93%, Wales ~74%, Northern Ireland ~83% of UK average in 2023). However, devolution may have other benefits – such as policy innovation or democratic accountability – that are harder to measure.
Q: How would Burnham's plan affect England outside London and the North?\nHis proposal to 'extend devolution in all parts of England' would likely create new combined authorities and mayors in areas that currently have none, giving them control over transport, skills, housing and health. The 'No 10 North' office would oversee this process, aiming to 'drive good growth in every postcode'.
What happens next depends on Burnham's success in becoming prime minister. If he remains the only Labour candidate, he could take office as early as 20 July 2026. He has not yet provided a detailed timeline or legislation, but his speech signals a major constitutional shift. The government would need to pass new laws to transfer powers from Whitehall to regions, and negotiate with existing devolved administrations in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland over further devolution. With a likely Commons majority, the biggest obstacle could be internal opposition from MPs and civil servants accustomed to central control – and the question of whether devolution alone can solve Britain's deep-rooted economic problems.